Ungursun jil Solzhenitsyn-ii "Odin Deni iz Jizhny Ivana Denisovicha"-g unshaad neg hesegtee l tuund avtaj bilee. Udguu 90 nas duhuj yavaa Nobel laureate sayhan unuu manaihnii talaar hudlaa yum bicheed baidag Spiegel setguuld (medehguy, manai yurunhiilugch l tegj helsen shd :P) yariltslaga ugch. Negentee Gulag-t amidaaraa hataagdaj yavsan terbeer sonirholtoy ni udguugiin Orosiin udirdlagiig iheer magtsan baih yum. (By the way, baruun Europe-d "Gulag Archipelago" hevlegdseneer zuunii het radical uzel or murguy muhsun gedeg yum bilee).
SPIEGEL: How do you assess the period of Putin's governance in comparison with his predecessors Yeltsin and Gorbachev?Perhaps should we anticipate Putinesque leadership in Mongolia? Meanwhile Howard Zinn writes something else:
Solzhenitsyn: Gorbachev's administration was amazingly politically naïve, inexperienced and irresponsible towards the country. It was not governance but a thoughtless renunciation of power. The admiration of the West in return only strengthened his conviction that his approach was right. But let us be clear that it was Gorbachev, and not Yeltsin, as is now widely being claimed, who first gave freedom of speech and movement to the citizens of our country.
Yeltsin's period was characterized by a no less irresponsible attitude to people's lives, but in other ways. In his haste to have private rather than state ownership as quickly as possible, Yeltsin started a mass, multi-billion-dollar fire sale of the national patrimony. Wanting to gain the support of regional leaders, Yeltsin called directly for separatism and passed laws that encouraged and empowered the collapse of the Russian state. This, of course, deprived Russia of its historical role for which it had worked so hard, and lowered its standing in the international community. All this met with even more hearty Western applause.
Putin inherited a ransacked and bewildered country, with a poor and demoralized people. And he started to do what was possible -- a slow and gradual restoration. These efforts were not noticed, nor appreciated, immediately. In any case, one is hard pressed to find examples in history when steps by one country to restore its strength were met favorably by other governments.
[...] we cannot depend on established authority to keep us out of war and to create economic justice, but rather that solving these problems depends on us, the citizenry, and on the great social movements we have created.Anyway, in the end of the interview Alexander Isayevich declared that he's not afraid of death, and ready to confront it:
SPIEGEL: Are you afraid of death?
Solzhenitsyn: No, I am not afraid of death any more. When I was young the early death of my father cast a shadow over me — he died at the age of 27 — and I was afraid to die before all my literary plans came true. But between 30 and 40 years of age my attitude to death became quite calm and balanced. I feel it is a natural, but no means the final, milestone of one’s existence.
SPIEGEL: Anyhow, we wish you many years of creative life.
Solzhenitsyn: No, no. Don’t. It’s enough.
Addendum: Alexander Solzhenitsyn's Autobiography on Nobel Website